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Will Iran’s ethnic clampdown backfire?
Daniel Brett
Iran has begun a campaign to intimidate, imprison and even execute writers and journalists from non-Persian ethnic groups in an attempt to remove the ethnic issue off the political agenda ahead of next year’s presidential elections. Yet, Tehran’s actions against these moderate campaigning journalists could spur the very separatist sentiment it seeks to repress.
This week the international media freedom group Reporters Without Borders called for the Iranian government to drop its case against prominent Ahwazi Arab journalist Youssef Azizi Bani Torouf after he was this month sentenced to five years in prison for ‘threatening national security’. Azizi’s ‘crime’ was to condemn excessive force by security services against Arab demonstrators in April 2005, in which up to 160 unarmed civilians were killed over a number of days of rioting.
‘President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is systematically exploiting the judicial system to crack down on journalists from the minority communities, for whom they often act as spokesperson,’ the organisation said.
Azizi worked for 12 years for the daily Hamshari newspaper, currently works for foreign Arabic news publications and has authored a number of books in Farsi and Arabic which have earned him plaudits in Iran and the Arab world. Although the Iranian government has attempted to tie him to separatist movements it alleges are sponsored by Israel, Britain, the US and Saudi Arabia, Azizi has consistently stated that the ‘Arabs of Khuzestan, as a nation or an ethnic group are an inseparable part of the Iranian nation.’
Azizi’s case is part of a growing trend in Iran against journalists from Arab, Azeri, Balochi and Kurdish ethnic groups, which have become increasingly restive amid claims of cultural persecution and discrimination. Reporters Without Borders has also drawn attention to the cases of other minority journalists held in prison in what it describes as an ‘outrageous gagging policy’. They include Azeri journalist Said Matinpour of the leading Azeri weekly newspaper Yarpagh, who was given an eight year suspended sentence for ‘having dealings with foreigners’ and for ‘publicity against the government’. Several Kurdish journalists are currently detained, including Kaveh Javanmard, Adnan Hassanpour and Ejlal Qavami. Kurdish journalist Mohammad Sadegh Kabovand was also sentenced to 11 years in the notorious Evin prison for ‘threatening national security’ after he set up the Kurdish Human Rights Organization (RMMK). He was also the editor of Payam-e Mardom-e Kurdestan (Kurdistan People's Message), a weekly newspaper published in Kurdish and Persian which was banned on 27 June 2004 after only 13 issues for 'disseminating separatist ideas and publishing false reports'. He was originally given an 18 month suspended sentence, but this sentence has progressively lengthened as more charges are brought against him in order to ensure his silence.
Like Mohammad Sadiq Kabudvand, minority journalists who have been convicted of such crimes have often found that additional charges are later brought against them in an effort to ensure their silence. Sometimes the price of silence is their lives. Earlier this month Yaghub Mehrnahad, a 28 year old Balochi journalist and cultural activist, was finally executed following months of torture. He had criticised the regime’s treatment of the Balochi ethnic group and formed the Javanan Sedayeh Edalat (Youth Voice of Justice) non-governmental organisation, which was recognised and registered by the Iranian government. The group organised events such as music concerts and educational courses for young Balochis and also tackled issues such as the spread of AIDS and other diseases and supporting healthcare for Balochi women and children.
There was no official announcement of the death sentence nor the charges brought against him, with his trial held in secret and without legal representation. The local media claimed he had links with the Balochi armed group Jundullah (Army of God) after he criticised the treatment of Balochis during a conference. The Iranians claim the Jundullah is financed and organised by the CIA, but has failed to prove any association between Mehrnahad and the alleged US campaign to split Iran along ethnic lines. Yet, the decision to execute him has puzzled many human rights activists as he had never advocated violence and Jundullah denied he had any association with the group.
State repression of ethnic minority journalists goes hand in hand with the violent harassment of non-Persian minorities, who together comprise at least half Iran’s population. The campaign to silence these free-thinking journalists demonstrates that Tehran will not broach even the mildest expression of ethnic discontent.
At the same time, nearly all foreign journalists and Western nationals are banned from visiting areas where non-Persian groups are in the majority, particularly Khuzestan and Balochistan. It is also evidence of endemic paranoia of a regime that is intent on seeing its critics as Zionist agents, British and American imperialists or Wahhabis in order to shift the blame for growing ethnic unrest. But the actions against minority journalists also belie the Iranian Constitution, which enshrines cultural and linguistic rights. The regime’s actions against these campaigning journalists suggest that the exercise of these rights is an existential challenge to the political system and, by extension, represents enmity with god. By silencing the voices of moderates, Tehran is playing into the hands of separatists who used repression as proof that non-Persian groups cannot win freedom and equality while remaining a part of Iran.
* Daniel Brett is a freelance journalist and publisher specialising in emerging markets and geopolitical issues, working with a number of leading business intelligence and security organizations.
http://www.alarabiya.net/views/2008/08/31/55765.html
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Journalist from the Arab minority sentenced to five years in prison
Reporters Without Borders today called for the case to be dropped against journalist Yosef Azizi Banitruf, sentenced to five years in jail after he exposed excessive use of force against demonstrators from the Arab community who clashed with security forces in Khuzestan in south-west Iran.
The trial of Azizi Banitrouf, a member of Iran’s Arab minority, was held over almost two years. The Tehran revolutionary court handed down its verdict against him on 20 August for “acting against national security”, “incitement to rebellion” and “relations with foreign officials”. He is free while awaiting an appeal.
The freelance journalist was arrested on 25 April 2005. His home was searched and working papers seized. He was released on bail to await trial on 28 June 2005.
“President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is systematically exploiting the judicial system to crack down on journalists from the minority communities, for whom they often act as spokesperson,” the worldwide press freedom organisation said.
“Six of the seven journalists currently in prison in the country are of Kurdish or Arab origin. This outrageous gagging policy should be condemned by all those committed to free expression for Iranians,” it added.
Interviews given by Aziz Banitruf to foreign media and interviews he carried out himself with officials in the Arab world were produced in court as evidence against him.
He worked for 12 years for the daily Hamshari, owned by the mayor of Tehran, but was sacked when Ahmadinejad was elected the capital’s mayor in 2003 and conservatives were put in charge of the paper. He now works for several national publications and continues to contribute to foreign media. He is also a member of the board of the Iranian Writers’ Association.
The Tehran revolutionary court in June 2008 imposed an 11-year jail sentence on Iranian journalist of Kurdish origin, Mohammad Sadegh Kabovand, for “acting against national security” after he founded an organisation to defend human rights in Kurdistan. He was arrested in July 2007 and has since been imprisoned in Evin jail, Tehran.
Said Matinpour of the weekly Yarpagh, one of the leading Azeri community newspapers, was in June 2008 given an eight-year suspended sentence, also by a revolutionary court in the capital, for “having dealings with foreigners” and for “publicity against the regime”.
In yet another case, a journalist working for the official news agency ISNA, Mahboubeh Karami, was released on 26 August 2008 after paying bail of one hundred million toumens (80,000 euros) following her arrest on 13 June this year after criticising police brutality against demonstrators on a bus in Tehran. She is facing charges of “damaging national security” and “publicity against the regime”.
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Mahmoud Darwish
Poet, author and politician who helped to forge a Palestinian consciousness after the six-day war in 1967
Peter Clark

A file photo dated February 2008 shows Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish. Photograph: Jamal Nasrallah/EPA They fettered his mouth with chains, And tied his hands to the rock of the dead. They said: You're a murderer. They took his food, his clothes and his banners, And threw him into the well of the dead. They said: You're a thief. They threw him out of every port, And took away his young beloved. And then they said: You're a refugee. With poems from the 1960s such as this, Mahmoud Darwish, who has died in a Texas hospital aged 67 of complications following open-heart surgery, did as much as anyone to forge a Palestinian national consciousness, and especially after the six-day war of June 1967. His poems have been taught in schools throughout the Arab world and set to music; some of his lines have become part of the fabric of modern Arabic culture. Darwish was born in the village of Birwa, east of Acre. His parents were from middle-ranking peasant families. Both were preoccupied with work on their land and Mahmoud was effectively brought up by his grandfather. When he was six, Israeli armed forces assaulted the village and Mahmoud fled with his family to Lebanon, living first in Jezzin and then in Damour. When, the following year, the family returned to their occupied homeland, their village had been obliterated: two settlements had been erected on the land, and they settled in Deir al-Asad in Galilee. There were no books in Darwish's own home and his first exposure to poetry was through listening to an itinerant singer on the run from the Israeli army. He was encouraged to write poetry by an elder brother. Israeli Arabs lived under military rule from 1948 to 1986. They were curbed in their movements and in any political activity. As a child, Darwish grew up aware that as far as those in control were concerned he, his family and his fellow Palestinians were second-class citizens. Yet they were still expected to join in Israeli state celebrations. While at school, he wrote a poem for an anniversary of the foundation of the state. The poem was an outcry from an Arab boy to a Jewish boy. "I don't remember the poem," he recalled many years later, "but I remember the idea of it; you can play in the sun as you please, and have your toys, but I can't. You have a house, and I have none. You have celebrations, but I have none. Why can't we play together?" He recalls being summoned to see the military governor, who threatened him: "If you go on writing such poetry, I'll stop your father working in the quarry." But relations with individual Jewish Israelis varied. Some he liked, including at least one of his teachers, some he loathed. Relationships with Jewish girls were easier than with girls from the more conservative Arab families. At his school, contemporaries remember him being very good in Hebrew. Israeli Palestinian culture was cut off from mainstream Arab developments. Arab poets who did impress him were the Iraqis Abd al-Wahhab al-Bayati and Badr Shakir al-Sayyab. Exciting innovations such as the Beirut group that clustered round the magazine al-Shi'r and the prosodic and thematic innovations of the Syrian poets Adonis (Ali Ahmad Said Asbar) and Nizar Kabbani did not reach the beleaguered Palestinians directly. Instead, much of Darwish's early reading of the poetry of the world outside Palestine was through the medium of Hebrew. Through Hebrew translations he got to know the work of Federico Garcأa Lorca and Pablo Neruda. He also became influenced by Hebrew literature from the Torah to the modern poet Yehuda Amichai. His first poetry symbolised the Palestinian resistance to Israeli rule. His first volumes, Leaves of the Olive Tree (1964), A Lover from Palestine (1966) and End of the Night (1967), were published in Israel. During this time Darwish was a member of the Israeli Communist party, Rakah, and edited the Arabic edition of the party's newspaper, Al-Ittihad. Israeli Palestinians were restricted in any expression of nationalist feeling. Darwish went to prison several times and was frequently under house arrest. His earliest poetry followed classical forms, but, from the mid-1960s, it became populist and direct. He used imagery that he could relate intimately to Palestinian villagers. He wrote of olive groves and orchards, the rocks and plants, basil and thyme. These early poems have a staccato effect, like verbal hand-grenades. In spite of an apparent simplicity, his short poems have several levels of meaning. There is a sense of anger, outrage and injustice, notably in the celebrated Identity Card, in the voice of an Arab man giving his identity number: Write down at the top of the first page: I do not hate people. I steal from no one. However If I am hungry I will eat the flesh of my usurper. Beware beware of my hunger And of my anger. But his poetry also contained irony and a universal humanity. For Darwish the issue of Palestine became a prism for an internationalist feeling. The land and history of Palestine was a summation of millennia, with influences from Canaanites, Hebrews, Greeks, Romans, Ottoman Turks and British. Throughout all this has survived a core identity of Palestine. He was able to see the Israeli soldier as a victim of circumstances like himself. He expresses the bureaucratic absurdities of an oppressive military occupation. Darwish left Israel in 1971, to the disappointment of many Palestinians, and studied at Moscow University. After a brief period in Cairo he went to Beirut and held a number of jobs with the Palestine Research Centre. He remained in Beirut during the first part of the civil war and left with Yasser Arafat and the PLO in 1982. He moved on to Tunis and Paris, and became editor-in-chief of the influential literary review Al-Karmel. Although he became a member of the PLO executive committee in 1987 and helped to draft the Palestinian Declaration of Statehood, he tried to keep away from factionalism. "I am a poet with a particular perspective on reality," he said. His literary work was changing. He wrote short stories and developed a style of writing poems that was a mixture of observation, humanity and irony. He argued that poetry was easier to write than prose. But the poetry continued inspired by incidents or relationships. There is often an optimism against all the odds in his works of the 1980s: Streets encircle us As we walk among the bombs. Are you used to death? I'm used to life and to endless desire. Do you know the dead? I know the ones in love. During his Paris years Darwish wrote Memory for Forgetfulness, a memoir of Beirut under the saturation Israeli bombing of 1982 which has been translated into English. A poem in prose, it is a medley of wit and rage, with reflections on violence and exile. His later work became more mystical and less particularly concerned with Palestine. Often it was preoccupied with human mortality. He was careless of his own health and suffered heart attacks in 1984 and in early 1998. Darwish resigned from the PLO executive committee over the 1993 Oslo Agreements between Israel and the PLO, which he saw as a "risky accord". He was able to return to Israel to see his aged mother in 1995. The Israeli authorities also gave him permission for an unlimited stay in the self-ruling parts of the Palestinian West Bank, and he spent his last years in Ramallah and Amman, the capital of Jordan. In 2000 the Israeli ministry of education proposed to introduce his works into the school curriculum, but met strong opposition from rightwing protesters. The then prime minister, Ehud Barak, said the country was not ready. Darwish's work has been translated into Hebrew and, in July 2007, Darwish returned to Israel on a visit and gave a reading of his poetry to 2,000 people in Haifa. He deplored the Hamas victory in Gaza the previous month. "We have triumphed,' he observed with grim irony. "Gaza has won its independence from the West Bank. One people now have two states, two prisons who don't greet each other. We are dressed in executioners' clothes." Over the years Darwish received many honours. He was given the Soviet Union's Lotus prize in 1969, and the Lenin peace prize in 1983. He was president of the Union of Palestinian Writers. Married and divorced twice, he had no children; his first wife was the Syrian writer Rana Kabbani, who elegantly translated some of his poetry into English. Margaret Obank writes: Mahmoud was a completely secular person, rather philosophical, an avid reader, elegant in his dress, and supremely modest in his opinion of himself. He liked to be alone, but would always be ready to speak on the telephone. While I had been reading his poems since the early 1970s, I got to know him through my husband, the Iraqi author Samuel Shimon. Mahmoud supported Banipal, the literary magazine we founded in 1998, and took pride both in issues of the journal and the many dialogues we helpled to promote. It presents work by Arab authors and poets in English for the first time. When we rang Mahmoud three months ago about doing a special issue on him, his reaction was: "Do you think I deserve that? If you think I do, then I like the idea." Now it will be a tribute to him. We were with Mahmoud when he was awarded the Prince Claus Fund of principal prize in Amsterdam in 2004, the theme being asylum and migration. His acceptance speech was both powerful and thoughtful: "A person can only be born in one place. However, he may die several times elsewhere: in the exiles and prisons, and in a homeland transformed by the occupation and oppression into a nightmare. Poetry is perhaps what teaches us to nurture the charming illusion: how to be reborn out of ourselves over and over again, and use words to construct a better world, a fictitious world that enables us to sign a pact for a permanent and comprehensive peace ... with life." آ· Mahmoud Darwish, poet, born March 15 1941; died August 9 2008
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Obituary: Mahmoud Darwish
This article appeared in the Guardian on Monday August 11 2008 on p30 of the Obituaries section. It was last updated at 00:53 on August 11 2008.
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Urgent Action:5 years prison sentence against Yousuf Azizi
Date: 13 August 2008
Urgent Action:
5 years prison sentence against Yousuf Azizi
The subdivision 15 of the Islamic revolutionary court in Tehran has passed a 5-year prison sentence against the Ahwazi writer and journalist Yousif Azizi in connection with his alleged part in organising and instigating a demonstration by the Arab population in Ahwaz province against the Iranian regime in April 2005.
The demonstration was related to the revelation of a notorious document by Mr Abtahi, the then head of the president’s office, in which a plan was envisaged on how to change the demographic nature of Ahwaz region. The aim of the plan was to effectively rendering the Arab indigenous population from being a majority into a minority.
Back in 24 April 2005 the Iranian authorities had arrested Mr Azizi and he spent around 65 days in solitary confinement before being released on bail to the tune of one billion Iranian Rials. Since then he has constantly been under surveillance and harassment by the authorities.
Yousuf Azizi is a founding member of the Iranian writers association and recently has joined its secretariat of directors. He is a well-known writer and journalist and a defender of human rights inside and outside of Iran, with many of his works being published and translated into Farsi, Arabic and other languages.
Mr Yousuf Azizi’s imprisonment and the danger to his life under these circumstances make it imperative to urge the Iranian government to annul this unfair sentence and reverse its decision according with human rights conventions and citizens’ human rights and freedoms.
APPEALS TO:
Leader of the Islamic Republic
His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed ‘Ali Khamenei
The Office of the Supreme Leader, Islamic Republic Street - Shahid Keshvar Doust Street
Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email:
info@leader.ir
Salutation: Your Excellency
Head of the Judiciary
Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh / Office of the Head of the Judiciary
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri, Tehran 1316814737, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email:
info@dadgostary-tehran.ir (In the subject line write: FAO Ayatollah Shahroudi)
Salutation: Your Excellency
Minister of Intelligence
Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie
Ministry of Intelligence, Second Negarestan Street, Pasdaran Avenue, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Salutation: Your Excellency
COPIES TO:
President
His Excellency Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
The Presidency, Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email:
dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir
via website: www.president.ir/email
Speaker of Parliament
His Excellency Gholamali Haddad Adel
Majles-e Shoura-ye Eslami, Baharestan Square, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Fax: +98 21 3355 6408
Email:
hadadadel@majlis.ir (Please ask that your message be brought to the attention of the Article 90 Commission)
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Ahwaz Human Rights Organization
AHRO- UK – Email:
ahro25@yahoo.co.uk P.O. Box 17725, London, N5 2WP, U.K
AHRO-USA - P.O. Box 679, Lorton, Virginia 22199, USA
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